The founder of modern Myanmar, Aung San was assassinated months before independence. However, in 1962, a coup d'état brought the military into power, where it has been ever since. Myanmar became independent in 1948 as the Union of Burma, and had a democratic government at first. It was occupied by the Empire of Japan in the 1940s. Myanmar had a strong kingdom in ancient times, but the nation was taken over by the British in the 1800s. Aung San Suu Kyi, however, calls the country Myanmar now. Some question the military junta's authority to "officially" change the name in English in the first place. Major news organizations like the BBC still call it Burma. Accepting the name change in the English-speaking world has been slow, with many people still using the name Burma to refer to the country. The renaming was controversial, seen by some as linguistically bad.
The official name of the country in the Burmese language, Myanmar did not change, however. It also made a new name in English for places in the country, such as its former capital city, from Rangoon to Yangon. In 1989, the military junta officially changed the English version of its name from Burma to Myanmar. In March 2018, Win Myint became the country's tenth and current President. Aung San Suu Kyi, who is prevented from becoming President by the constitution of Myanmar, will act as an advisor to Kyaw.
In 2016 Htin Kyaw became the second elected civilian leader. In 2011 Thein Sein was elected as a first president of the civilian government. In 1991, Senior General Than Shwe began ruling the country. Its political system today stays under the tight control of its military government. CSEA is published in April, August and December.The country was ruled by a military junta led by General Ne Win from 1962 to 1988. The Editorial Committee is guided by the advice of the International Advisory Committee which is composed of eminent scholars from Asia, the United States, Australia and Europe. CSEA publishes authoritative, insightful and original contributions from scholars, think-tank analysts, journalists and policymakers from across the globe. The primary focus is on issues related to domestic politics in Southeast Asian countries, regional architecture and community building, military, strategic and security affairs, conflict zones and relations among the Great Powers. The aim of the peer-reviewed journal is to provide up to date and in-depth analysis of critical trends and developments in Southeast Asia and the wider Asia-Pacific region. Now in its fourth decade of publication, CSEA has succeeded in building up an international reputation as one of Southeast Asia's premier academic journals. The article concludes that sustainable resolution to Myanmar's protracted state-society conflict is unlikely to be achieved until elites can negotiate agreement on ethnic language and teaching policies.Ĭontemporary Southeast Asia (CSEA) is one of ISEAS’ flagship publications. Ethnic nationality communities remain determined to conserve and reproduce their own languages and cultures, adopting positions in relation to language and education which reflect broader state-society relations in Myanmar, and in particular ethnic politicians' demands for a federal political settlement to decades of armed conflict. This article explores the consequences of these developments, and how reforms in Myanmar since 2011 - including the peace process, which remains incomplete and contested - have opened the space for educational reform, and the possible "convergence" of state and non-state education regimes. In some cases, the Mon for example, these broadly follow the government curriculum, while being locally owned and delivered in ethnic languages in others, such as the Karen, the local education system diverges significantly from the Myanmar government curriculum, making it difficult for students to transition between the two systems. Ethnic opposition education regimes have developed mother tongue-based school systems. It discusses the state education system, which since the military coup of 1962 has promoted the idea of the country based on the language and culture of the Bamar (Burman) majority community, and the school systems developed by ethnic armed groups which oppose the military government. This article analyses the relationship between the politics of education and language, and armed conflict and ongoing peace process in Myanmar.
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